He former president Carles Puigdemont and Jordi Turull have been imposing a vote of silence on Junts per Catalunya for months. They have established that secrecy is a priority when making decisions that set the course of the post-convergent brand. The whispering is the background music of the party’s loudspeakers and it only changes if the former president of the Generalitat starts writing one of his reflections on social networks or when Turull, general secretary, agrees to grant an interview. There are no exceptions. The president of the formation herself, Laura Borràs, confirmed this by stating this week that Junts could support a motion of censure of the PP and Vox to unseat Pedro Sánchez: “Absolutely, nothing is ruled out,” he said. Soon, Turull came out to correct her: “Pure fantasy,” he declared.
Junts faces its political congress starting Friday with several open fronts in the Congress of Deputies, and there is a conviction that there is only a chance of making some gains if it continues. open a line of negotiation with the PSOE. A resultist tactic that turns into a everyone on the attack when Junts plays at home on its home court in Catalonia: in the Parliament there is nothing to talk about with the socialists.
At the JuntsxCat headquarters in Barcelona, near the Sagrada Familia, there is a meeting room with the capacity to seat thirty people, and the house where Carles Puigdemont lives in Waterloo (Belgium) consists of 500 square meters. Despite the breadth, in the Junts executive it is known that the core of people with the ability to decide fits inside a taxi.
Puigdemont has been publicly stating for months that he intends to “open the spectrum” to accommodate all the sensitivities of the independence movement, but he applies a lock on the party’s control room. It combines the idea of the transversality of its brand with a vertical organization of command. He at the top and assisted by a small group of collaborators, including Jordi Turull, general secretary, and Josep Rius, spokesperson and vice president of the party. Puigdemont also has a direct connection with Míriam Nogueras, party spokesperson in the Congress of Deputies. In this sense, Nogueras’ quick denial of Borràs’s demonstrations regarding support for a possible motion of censure promoted by the PP: “We are not here. The answer is no.”
Nogueras is in charge of acting as Puigdemont’s transmission belt with the Sánchez Government. At stake is the effective deployment of the amnesty law and other issues that the independence party has been considering closed for months. This is the case of the alleged transfer to Catalonia of powers regarding immigration, the recognition of Catalan in the European Union or the specification of the issues that Junts and the PSOE supposedly negotiate periodically in Switzerland, under the supervision of an international verifier.
Junts reiterates that it plans to sell dearly every yes it grants to the Government in the Congress of Deputies. Negotiate “piece by piece,” repeats Nogueras. There is nothing free, but it is assumed that a rapprochement with the PP is an unpayable price, if Vox has to be included in the same account.
In the Parliament of Catalonia, the Vox spokesperson formally asked Junts to “get wet” and acknowledged that the far-right party is in favor of the motion of censure against Sánchez “regardless of whoever it may be.” However, in the Catalan Chamber Junts tries to use Vox as ammunition to attack the PSC and Salvador Illa. Albert Batet, president of the Junts parliamentary group, has accused the socialists this week of “having voted 42 times” alongside the PP and Vox in the last general policy debate. The reproach is part of the offensive strategy that the party applies to wear down the Government and reveals the double standard that Puigdemont’s party applies to compete in each scenario: in Madrid, the PSOE is the least bad of the options, while in Catalonia the The PSC government is “weak” and “branchist”, in addition to having a “Spanish” inclination that matches it with the PP and Vox.
The Puigdemont’s list came in second place in the Catalan elections of May 12, with seven seats less than the PSC. But together refuses to present himself as “opposition” and prefers to advertise itself as the “alternative”. A semantic pirouette to mark distances with the socialist Executive and pursue a polarization that could be profitable when the ballot boxes are taken out of the closet again. Once the supposed unity of the independence movement has come to nothing, and with the Republican Left shattered by internal fights, Puigdemont tries to vindicate his party as the most useful tool to rekindle the embers of the processes independence. A sort of broom car that anyone who wants to continue raising the bar can ride. estelada and throw it against the PSC.
